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This, Our Second Nadir

IT HAS BEEN WORSE. Let’s not forget “The Nadir,” as the historian Rayford Logan coined it: the period following Reconstruction in which America witnessed the resurgence and bloody normalization of White Power politics. Between the 1870s and the turn of the twentieth century, southern whites took over the political and propaganda apparatus in all eleven states of the former Confederacy. They rewrote state constitutions with the explicit aim of disfranchising black voters. Racial terrorism, once held underground by the presence of federal troops, morphed into pogroms and spectacle lynchings carried out in broad daylight. Under piercing cries that “The South Will Rise Again,” whites, sometimes by the hundreds and even thousands, attacked African Americans and their property. By some estimates, whites killed as many as half a million black people in politically motivated murders. These efforts were so terrifyingly effective that, over just one decade in Louisiana, white officials and vigilantes slashed the number of black registered voters from 130,000 to some 1,300—a decrease of 99 percent.

The Nadir coincided with the Gilded Age, and not by coincidence—a point Walter Johnson makes very clearly in his analysis of racial capitalism. As once-conquered Confederates snatched black people’s legal protections, the courts and Congress elevated corporations to their current status as rights-bearing citizens. In their efforts to secure even modest concessions from capital, white workers abandoned and turned on black comrades, splintering interracial labor movements. “There began to rise in America in 1876,” W. E. B. Du Bois remarked ruefully in Black Reconstruction (1935), “a new capitalism and a new enslavement of labor,” one that bridled “white, yellow, brown and black labor.” Then, as now, capitalism’s malcontents, with their many colors, suffered a shared predicament. Fractured, “a living working class” transferred its “political power from the hands of labor to the hands of capital, where,” Du Bois explained, “it has been concentrated ever since.” In light of the ensuing imperialism, death, and evaporating livelihoods, the professor maintained, “God wept.”

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Boston Review
Introduction
CEDRIC J. ROBINSON’S PASSING this summer at the age
Triptych
But for is always game. A man can be murdered twice
To Remake the World: Slavery, Racial Capitalism, and Justice
To Remake the World: Slavery, Racial Capitalism, and
History Matters
WALTER JOHNSON ARGUES AGAINST a triumphalist narrative
Abolition as Market Regulation
WHAT LANGUAGE SHOULD WE use when we talk about slavery?
The Gong of History; Or, What Is a Human?
EVERY GREAT HISTORICAL EPOCH in the freedom struggle
Theories of Justice
RETHINKING OUR NOTION OF JUSTICE through the history
Racial Capitalism and the Dark Proletariat
OUR IDEA OF RACIAL CAPITALISM, as Walter Johnson explains
Reviving the Black Radical Tradition
WALTER JOHNSON IS UPSET at the state of the historiography
Putting Rights in Their Place
WALTER JOHNSON GIVES A BRACING critique of two ways
What Slavery Tells Us about Marx
Following W. E. B. Du Bois and Cedric Robinson, Walter
When Liberalism Defended Slavery
Walter Johnson demonstrates how little liberal humanism
Black Humanity and Black Power
BLACK HUMANITY IS UNEXCEPTIONAL, Walter Johnson exhorts.
Racial Capitalism and Human Rights
Are we not coming more and more, day by day, to making
Lake Michigan, Scene 22
And I point to the list of the names of the missing
Births of a Nation: Surveying Trumpland with Cedric Robinson
Births of a Nation: Surveying Trumpland with Cedric
From Good Stock / Strange Blood Dawn
Symptomatic of being a slave is to forget you’re a
Further Reading
In addition to the work of our contributors, the editors
Contributors
Dwayne Betts is a poet, memoirist, and teacher. His